CONFERENCE ON DISARMAMENT HEARS ADDRESS BY FOREIGN MINISTER OF RUSSIA AND MESSAGE BY CHINESE MINISTER FOR FOREIGN AFFAIRS
Sergey Lavrov, the Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Russian Federation, today officially submitted a joint Russian-Chinese draft Treaty on the Prevention of the Placement of Weapons in Outer Space, the Threat or Use of Force Against Outer Space Objects, to the Conference on Disarmament. He also spoke about the uncertain future of Russian-American efforts in the area of limitation and reduction of strategic offensive arms, setting out Russian initiatives and concerns in that area. A message by the Minister for Foreign Affairs of China, Yang Jiechi, was also read out, expressing China's hope that the Conference on Disarmament would soon reach agreement on a balanced programme of work so that it could turn to substantive issues, and in particular begin substantive discussion and reach consensus on an outer space treaty as soon as possible.
Mr. Lavrov, recalling that the Strategic Arms Limitation Treaty (SALT I) would expire in December 2009, said that, as far back as three years ago, Russia had offered the idea of developing and concluding a new full-fledged agreement on further and verifiable reduction and limitation of strategic offensive arms. However, it had so far been impossible to arrive at acceptable solutions. Specifically, the Russian Federation could not but feel concerned over the situation in which – with the looming prospect of expiration of the Treaty – the United States was increasingly making efforts to deploy its global Anti-Ballistic Missile system. And if one also placed on the balance pan the "global lightening strike" concept, providing the capability of striking targets at any point on the Globe with nuclear and conventional strategic means within one hour after a decision was taken, the risks for strategic stability and predictability became more than obvious.
On the issue of the draft outer space treaty, Mr. Lavrov noted that modern international space law did not prohibit deployment in space of weapons other than weapons of mass destruction. However, such weapons would be fit for real use, generate suspicions and tensions among States and frustrate the climate of mutual trust and cooperation in space exploration, rather than being a means of containment. Also, weapons deployment in space by one State would inevitably result in a new spiral in the arms race. The draft Treaty introduced today served to eliminate existing lacunae in international space law, to create conditions for further exploration and use of space, to preserve costly space property, and to strengthen general security and arms control. It was time to start serious practical work in this field; otherwise, they would miss the opportunity to do so.
Canada, Belarus and Sri Lanka also made statements during the plenary.
Canada welcomed the draft Treaty on the Prevention of the Placement of Weapons in Space. Clearly, however, the nature of the issues involved would require considerable detailed and complex discussion of a technical, legal, and political nature on which no consensus currently existed. A particular emphasis might be placed on transparency and confidence-building measures in the first instance – although it might well be unrealistic to call for new transparency and confidence-building measures when existing ones, like the Hague Code, were regrettably falling into disuse.
Belarus agreed with Russia that the issue of a prevention of an arms race in outer space was one of the highest priority areas in the disarmament and non-proliferation field. The adoption of a treaty such as had been submitted today would fill important lacunae in the existing international machinery regulating outer space. That should be done before the placement of weapons in space became a fact.
Sri Lanka congratulated Russia for the initiative introduced today, as well as China, who had collaborated on that draft treaty. Starting in the late 1980s, Russia had made unilateral concessions, on the basis of the communality of the threats shared by humanity, and on the basis of new thinking. Unfortunately, while one part of the bloc had died, the other side had continued in the old way, seeking hegemony, and attempting to encircle Russia militarily. In that context, Sri Lanka was glad to see Russia resuming its rightful place in world affairs, and to see China's participation in those efforts; that represented the kind of balance needed in world affairs.
At the end of the meeting, Montenegro and Nepal were invited to participate as observers in the work of the Conference for 2008.
In 2007, the Conference was not able to reach agreement on a programme of work and so was unable to start work on substantive issues. A Presidential Draft Decision (CD/2007/L.1**) was submitted as a basis for an agreement to begin substantive work in the Conference. Presidential draft decision CD/2007/L.1** calls for the appointment of four Coordinators to preside over substantive discussions on the issues of nuclear disarmament; prevention of an arms race in outer space; and negative security assurances; and to preside over negotiations on a treaty banning the production of fissile material for nuclear weapons or other nuclear explosive devices. The Complementary Presidential Statement, CD/2007/CRP.5*, reflects an understanding of the Conference on the implementation of the Presidential decision, and the third text CD/2007/CRP.6* is a short decision stating that when the Conference adopts the Presidential decision, it will be guided by the Presidential statement in its implementation. At the end of the 2007 session, it was decided that the documents before the Conference would be held over for consideration at the 2008 session.
The next plenary of the Conference will be held at 10 a.m. on Thursday, 14 February.
Statements
SERGEY LAVROV, Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Federation, said that mankind had no other alternative but to ensure security collectively. The very logic behind the evolution of present-day international relations proved the futility of unilateral and bloc-based schemes, particularly force-oriented ones. Such actions undermined stability by forcing other countries to take care of their security on their own. And that, as a rule, did damage to non-proliferation. In that connection, he noted that the second session of the Preparatory Committee for a regular review of the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT) – a pivotal element of the modern international security system – would be held in Geneva in a few months' time. It was important to ensure further effectiveness of the Treaty proceeding from the unity of its three fundamental pillars: non-proliferation, peaceful uses of nuclear energy and disarmament.
Mr. Lavrov stressed that Russian-American relations in the area of limitation and reduction of strategic offensive arms were of key importance to real disarmament. Unfortunately, there was no certainty about the future of that process. The Strategic Arms Limitation Treaty (SALT I) would expire in December 2009. As far back as three years ago, Russia had offered the idea of developing and concluding a new full-fledged agreement on further and verifiable reduction and limitation of strategic offensive arms. Russia's goal was to preserve stability and predictability in strategic relations between Russia and the United States. It had suggested that all the best elements of the existing Treaty formed the foundation of a new agreement, which could provide for new, lower ceilings subject to verification on both strategic delivery vehicles (intercontinental ballistic missiles, sea-launched ballistic missiles and heavy bombers), and their warheads. However, it had so far been impossible to arrive at acceptable solutions. Specifically, the Russian Federation could not but feel concerned over the situation in which – with the looming prospect of expiration of the treaty limitations on strategic offensive arms – the United States was increasingly making efforts to deploy its global Anti-Ballistic Missile system. It was well known that there was an inseparable relationship between strategic offensive and defensive armaments, and it was impossible not to take that fact into account in future military planning. The desire to acquire an anti-missile "shield" while dismantling the "sheath", where the nuclear "sword" was kept was extremely dangerous. And if one also placed on the balance pan the "global lightening strike" concept, providing the capability of striking targets at any point on the Globe with nuclear and conventional strategic means within one hour after a decision was taken, the risks for strategic stability and predictability became more than obvious.
Mr. Lavrov said that, in Russia's view, that strategic stability could no longer remain the exclusive domain of Russian-United States relations. That residual bipolarity needed to be overcome through opening up that sphere to all interested States prepared to actively cooperate with a view to strengthening common security. In that connection, the Conference on Disarmament had made substantial contributions to strengthening peace and security, through developing important legal instruments in that area. However, the results produced by the Conference in the past could not solve all current problems: new and highly grave challenges and threats that called for an urgent joint response had been emerging. Speaking last year in Munich, Russian President Vladimir Putin had warned in particular of the emergence of new high-tech destabilizing types of weapons and new areas of confrontation, particularly in outer space, emphasizing that militarization of outer space could trigger unpredictable consequences for the international community. Today the Russian Federation, together with China, was officially submitting a draft Treaty on the Prevention of the Placement of Weapons in Outer Space, the Threat or Use of Force Against Outer Space Objects to the Conference for its consideration. The draft treaty was being submitted with a research mandate; it had been supported by the majority of Members States in the Conference and did not add any complications to achieving a compromise on the programme of work.
Modern international space law did not prohibit deployment in space of weapons other than weapons of mass destruction (WMD), Mr. Lavrov observed. However, such weapons, if deployed in space, would have a global reach, high employment readiness and a capability for hidden engagement of space objects. In contrast to WMD, such weapons would be fit for real use, generate suspicions and tensions among States and frustrate the climate of mutual trust and cooperation in space exploration, rather than being a means of containment. Aside from that, weapons deployment in space by one State would inevitably result in a chain reaction, causing a new spiral in the arms race both in space and on Earth. The draft Treaty introduced today served to eliminate existing lacunae in international space law, to create conditions for further exploration and use of space, to preserve costly space property, and to strengthen general security and arms control. The task of prevention of an arms race in outer space was on the Conference's agenda. It was time to start serious practical work in that field. Otherwise, they would miss the opportunity to do so. Indeed, it was easier to prevent a threat than to remove one.
Finally, Mr. Lavrov wished to address another pressing issue that considerably affected strategic stability and international security that was linked to missile proliferation. In October 2007, President Putin had launched an initiative for globalizing the obligations set forth in the Treaty between Russia and the United States on the elimination of their intermediate-range and shorter-range missiles (INF Treaty). That initiative had been supported by Russia's American partners, and had been submitted to the General Assembly and the Conference on Disarmament. Some States had not been prepared to support the initiative, for various reasons. Russia took note of their approaches and would like to continue searching jointly for a mutually acceptable solution to that problem. To that end, Russia now proposed that a new multilateral agreement based on the relevant provisions of the existing INF Treaty be elaborated and concluded. To that end, Russia unofficially circulated today a document containing the basic elements for such an international agreement.
LI BAODONG (China) delivered a message from YANG JIECHI, Minister for Foreign Affairs of China, who said that China attached great importance to Conference and had actively participated in the discussions of all the items on its agenda, including that of prevention of an arms race in outer space. Outer space had become an integral part of human life and contributed to the well-being and social progress of all countries. The international community had over the years elaborated a series of international legal instruments contributing to the peaceful exploration and use of outer space. A peaceful and tranquil outer space free from weaponization and an arms race served the common interests of all countries. It was therefore necessary for the international community to formulate new legal instruments to strengthen the existing legal regime on outer space. In that regard, the General Assembly had for over 20 years, yearly adopted a resolution reiterating that the Conference on Disarmament had the primary role in the negotiation of a multilateral agreement on the prevention of an arms race in outer space. In view of that, China and the Russian Federation had drafted the treaty submitted today.
Mr. Jiechi also sincerely hoped that, with the joint efforts of all members, the Conference on Disarmament would soon reach agreement on a balanced programme of work so that it could turn to substantive issues. In that connection, China hoped that the Conference would begin substantive discussion and reach consensus on an outer space treaty as soon as possible.
MARIUS GRINIUS (Canada) said that Canada fervently hoped that those members still blocking any chance of progress based on the (Presidential draft) proposal CD/2007/L.1 before the Conference would carefully reconsider their position. They needed to get back to work on the basis of that balanced and serious programme of work. In that connection, while Canada's first priority remained commencing early negotiations on a Fissile Material Cut-Off Treaty, space security was a critically important issue for Canada as well, particularly in the light of highly regrettable events early last year. Canada therefore welcomed the Russian Federation's efforts to energize discussions on space via its draft Treaty on the Prevention of the Placement of Weapons in Space.
Canada's support for the fundamental stated aims of that draft treaty was well know and long established. Clearly, however, the nature of the issues involved would require considerable detailed and complex discussion of a technical, legal, and political nature on which no consensus currently existed. In Canada's view, those aims – related to safeguarding the peaceful uses of outer space – would be best addressed to the extent they were seen by space-faring nations as addressing real challenges in a pragmatic and focused manner. A particular emphasis might be placed on transparency and confidence-building measures in the first instance. Canada had supported the Russian-led First Committee resolution on that subject, and was one of the countries that had reported in detail under the resolution. Canada also strongly supported various initiatives related to the issue of a space Code of Conduct, including that being proposed by the European Union. However, Canada would note that a valuable and existing transparency and confidence-building mechanism with aims to serve precisely those goals was the Hague Code of Conduct. It might well be unrealistic to call for new transparency and confidence-building measures when existing ones that they had worked so hard to create, like the Hague Code, were regrettably falling into disuse, whatever the rationalization for that might be. Finally, Canada believed there was a considerable merit to enhanced cooperation between the United Nations Committee on the Peaceful Uses of Outer Space and the Conference on Disarmament, with the dividing lines between civil and military issues in space having become increasingly irrelevant in practical terms.
SERGEI ALEINIK (Belarus) said that, on the basis of the efforts undertaken in 2007, the Conference on Disarmament was just a short step away from resolving its longstanding impasse over a programme of work. The Conference should fulfil its role not just as a discussion body, but as a negotiating forum. Given the unique level of support for Presidential proposal CD/2007/L.1, and the additional documents CD/2007/CRP.5 and 6, it should be the basis for obtaining consensus this year on the start to negotiations on a fissile material treaty, as well as the inauguration of substantive discussions on the three other core issues. Indeed, in response to the Secretary-General's call at the opening of the Conference's 2008 session for delegations to show political leadership on this issue, many had responded by sending high-level representation to the Conference. The presence and address made today by the Russian Minister for Foreign Affairs, Sergey Lavrov, was evidence of that.
Belarus emphasized the closeness of opinion between Belarus and the Russian Federation on international disarmament issues. Belarus agreed with Russia that the issue of a prevention of an arms race in outer space was one of the highest priority areas in the disarmament and non-proliferation field. Space capabilities were becoming increasingly widespread, and Belarus itself had lately entered the field. That made the development of new initiatives in space law to ensure against the weaponization of outer space all the more urgent. In Belarus's view, the adoption of a treaty such as had been submitted today would fill important lacunae in the existing international machinery regulating outer space. That should be done before the placement of weapons in space became a fact. The treaty should be taken up by the Conference with a research mandate, and would therefore not compromise efforts towards the elaboration of the programme of work. Belarus also supported Russia's proposal to globalize the INF Treaty on the elimination of intermediate-range and shorter-range missiles, to which Belarus was a party.
DAYAN JAYATILLEKA (Sri Lanka) congratulated the Foreign Minister of Russia for the initiative introduced today, as well as China, who had collaborated on that draft treaty. That was the kind of constructive joint work in the cause of peace that Sri Lanka liked to see. It took two hands to preserve world peace, as was symbolized in the sculpture inaugurated by the Russian Minister today. Those in the global South had watched a period, starting in the late 1980s, in which Russia had made unilateral concessions, on the basis of the communality of the threats shared by humanity, and on the basis of new thinking. Unfortunately, that period had not seen a matching response from Russia's partners. One part of the bloc had died, but the other side had continued in the old way, seeking hegemony, and attempting to encircle Russia militarily. They had also seen the recrudescence of the practice of naked invasion and occupation. In that context, Sri Lanka was glad to see Russia resuming its rightful place in world affairs. As Asians, Sri Lanka was also glad to see China's participation in those efforts; that represented the kind of balance needed in world affairs.
It was Sri Lanka's position that CD/2007/L.1 should be "a" starting point and "a" basis for future work. Its position could be summed up in "L.1 plus", and the plus concerned those States that had not yet come on board. Those States should not be repeatedly labelled a "minority" in the Conference, in particular when one of those States was the most populous in the world. Those States should be listened to, and L.1 should be modified and taken to fruition. Sri Lanka could also not see why a fissile material treaty should take priority over the draft treaty submitted today. To consider both would impart the necessary balance and transparency to the Conference's work.
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